What makes a good political speech? PM Keating’s Redfern speech

This is a further speech for your appraisal in our change-of-year series of political speeches. Like the Kevin Rudd speech, it is about indigenous issues. Although there is still controversy about its authorship – between Paul Keating’s speech writer Don Watson and Keating himself – it is generally regarded as one of Keating’s finest, and one of great merit. It is a little over 2000 words. Here it is for you to judge for yourself.

Here is the source of this address.

Prime Minister Paul Keating’s Redfern address, Sydney, 1992

Ladies and gentlemen

I am very pleased to be here today at the launch of Australia’s celebration of the 1993 International Year of the World’s Indigenous People.

It will be a year of great significance for Australia.

It comes at a time when we’ve committed ourselves to succeeding in the test which so far we have always failed.

Because, in truth, we cannot confidently say that we’ve succeeded as we would like to have succeeded if we have not managed to extend opportunity and care, dignity and hope to the indigenous people of Australia – the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people.

This is a fundamental test of our social goals and our national will: our ability to say to ourselves and to the rest of the world that Australia is a first rate social democracy, that we are what we should be – truly the land of a fair go and the better chance.

There is no more basic test of how seriously we mean these things.

It’s a test of our self-knowledge. Of how well we know the land we live in. How well we know our history. How well we recognise the fact that, complex as our contemporary identity is, it cannot be separated from Aboriginal Australia. How well we know what Aboriginal Australians know about Australia.

Redfern is a good place to contemplate these things.

Just a mile or two from the place where the first European settlers landed, in too many ways it tells us that the failure to bring much more than devastation and demoralisation to Aboriginal Australia continues to be our failure.

More I think than most Australians recognise, the plight of Aboriginal Australians affects us all. In Redfern it might be tempting to think that the reality Aboriginal Australians face is somehow contained here, and that the rest of us are insulated from it. But of course, while all the dilemmas may exist here, as we all know, they are far from contained. We know the same dilemmas and more are faced all over Australia.

This is perhaps the point of this Year of the World’s Indigenous People: to bring the dispossessed out of the shadows, to recognise that they are part of us. That we cannot give indigenous Australians up without giving up many of our own most deeply held values, much of our own identity and, indeed, our own humanity.

Nowhere in the world, I would venture, is the message more stark than in Australia.

We simply cannot sweep injustice aside. Even if our own conscience allowed us to, I am sure, that in due course the world and the people of our region would not. There should be no mistake about this – our success in resolving these issues will have a significant bearing on our standing in the world.

But however intractable the problems seem, we cannot resign ourselves to failure – any more than we can hide behind our political opponents contemporary version of Social Darwinism which says that to reach back for the poor and dispossessed is to risk being dragged down.

It seems to me not only morally indefensible, but bad history.

We non-Aboriginal Australians should perhaps remind ourselves that Australia once reached out for us. Didn’t Australia provide opportunity and care for the dispossessed Irish? Did it not for the poor of Britain? The refugees from war and famine and persecution in the countries of Europe and Asia? Isn’t it reasonable to say that if we can build a prosperous and remarkable harmonious multicultural society in Australia, surely we can find just solutions to the problems which beset the first Australians – the people to whom the most injustice has been done.

And, as I say, the starting point might be to recognise that the problem starts with us – the non-Aboriginal Australians.

It begins, I think, with the act of recognition. Recognition that it was we who did the dispossessing. We took the traditional lands and smashed the traditional way of life.

We brought the diseases and the alcohol.

We committed the murders.

We took the children from their mothers.

We practised discrimination and exclusion.

It was our ignorance and our prejudice. And our failure to imagine that these things could be done to us. With some noble exceptions, we failed to make the most basic human response and enter into their hearts and minds. We failed to ask – how would I feel if this was done to me?

As a consequence, we failed to see that what we were doing degraded us all.

If we needed a reminder of this, we received it this year with the Report of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody, which showed with devastating clarity that the past lives on in inequality, racism and injustice. In the prejudice and ignorance of non-Aboriginal Australians, and in the demoralisation and desperation, the fractured identity, of so many Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders.

For all this, I do not believe that the Report should fill us with guilt. Down the years, there has been no shortage of guilt, but it has not produced the response we need. Guilt, I think we’ve all learned, is not a very constructive emotion.

I think what we need to do is open our hearts a bit. All of us.

Perhaps when we recognise what we have in common we will see the things which must be done – the practical things.

There is something of this in the creation of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation. The council’s mission is to forge a new partnership built on justice and equity and an appreciation of the heritage of Australia’s indigenous people. In the abstract those terms are meaningless. We have to give meaning to ‘justice’ and ‘equity’ – and, as I have said several times this year, we will only give them meaning when we commit ourselves to achieving concrete results.

If we improve the living conditions in one town, they will improve in another, and another. If we raise the standard of health by 20 per cent one year, it will be raised more the next. If we open one door others will follow.

When we see improvement, when we see more dignity, more confidence, more happiness – we will know we are going to win. We will need these practical building blocks of change.

The Mabo judgment should be seen as one of these. By doing away with the bizarre concept that this continent had no owners prior to the settlement of Europeans, Mabo establishes a fundamental truth and lays the basis for justice. It will be much easier to work from that basis than has ever been from any case in the past.

For this reason alone we should ignore the isolated outbreaks of hysteria and hostility to Mabo in the past few months. Mabo is an historic decision – we can make it an historic turning point, the basis of a new relationship between indigenous and non-Aboriginal Australians.

The message should be that there is nothing to fear or to lose in the recognition of historical truth, or the extension of social justice, or the deepening of Australian social democracy to include indigenous Australians.

In fact, as all of us I think here know, there is everything to gain.

Even the unhappy past speaks for this. Where Aboriginal Australians have been included in the life of Australia they have made remarkable contributions. Economic contributions, particularly in the pastoral and agricultural industry. They are there in the frontier and exploration history of Australia. They were there in the wars. In sport to an extraordinary degree. In literature and art and in music.

In all these things they have shaped our knowledge of this continent and of ourselves. They’ve shaped our identity. They are there in the Australian legend. And we should never forget – they helped us build this nation. And if we have a sense of justice, as well as common sense, we will forge a new partnership.

As I said, it might help if we non-Aboriginal Australians imagined ourselves dispossessed of land we have lived on for 50,000 years – and then imagined ourselves told that it had never been ours.

Imagine if ours was the oldest culture in the world and we were told that it was worthless. Imagine if we had resisted this settlement, suffered and died in the defence of our land, and then were told in history books that we’d given up without a fight. Imagine if non-Aboriginal Australians had served their country in peace and war and were then ignored in history books. Imagine if our feats on the sporting fields had inspired admiration and patriotism and yet did nothing to diminish prejudice. Imagine if our spiritual life was denied and ridiculed.

Imagine if we had suffered the injustice and then were blamed for it.

It seems to me that if we can imagine the injustice then we can imagine its opposite. And we can have justice.

I say we can have justice for two reasons: I say it because I believe that the great things about Australian social democracy reflect a fundamental belief in justice. And I say it because in so many other areas we have proved our capacity over the years to go on extending the realms of participation, community and care.

Just as Australians living in the relatively narrow and insular Australia of the 1960s imagined a culturally diverse, worldly and open Australia, and in a generation turned the idea into reality, so we can turn the goals of reconciliation into a reality.

There are very good signs that the process has begun. The creation of the Reconciliation Council is evidence itself. The establishment of the ATSIC – the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission – is also evidence. The Council indeed is the product of imagination and goodwill. ATSIC emerges from the vision of indigenous self-determination and self-management. The vision’s already become the reality of almost 800 elected Aboriginal Regional Councillors and Commissioners determining priorities and developing their own process.

All over Australia, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities are taking charge of their own lives. And assistance with the problems which chronically beset them is at last being made available in ways developed by the communities themselves. If these things offer hope, so does the fact that this generation of Australians is better informed about Aboriginal culture and Aboriginal achievement, and about the injustice that has been done, than any generation before has so been aware.

So, we are beginning to more generally appreciate the depth and the diversity of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures. From their music and art and dance we are beginning to recognise how much richer our national life and identity will be for the participation of Aboriginals and Torres Strait Islanders. We are beginning to learn that the indigenous people have known for many thousands of years how to live with our physical environment.

Ever so gradually we are learning how to see Australia through Aboriginal eyes, beginning to recognise the wisdom contained in their epic story.

I think we are beginning to see how much we owe the indigenous Australians and how much we have lost by living so apart.

I said we non-indigenous Australians should try to imagine the Aboriginal view.

It can’t be too hard. Someone imagined this event today, and it’s now a reality and a great reason for hope.

There is one thing today we cannot imagine. We cannot imagine that the descendants of people whose genius and resilience maintained a culture here through 50,000 years or more, through cataclysmic changes to the climate and the environment, and who then survived two centuries of dispossession and abuse, will be denied their place in the modern Australian nation.

We can’t imagine that.

We cannot imagine that we will fight it.

And with the spirit that is here today I am confident that we won’t fail.

I am confident that we will succeed in this decade.

Thank you for being with me today.

The ABC has classified this as ‘An unforgettable speech’. If it is, what makes it so? What do you think of it? How does it compare with its predecessors in this series? There are still more to come.

What makes a good political speech? PM Kevin Rudd’s Apology

This is the next in our change-of-year series of political speeches.

Only the most bigoted amongst us were not moved by Prime Minister Kevin Rudd’s Apology to Australia’s indigenous peoples. It was widely regarded as an inspiring speech to parliament, one that brought the tears to countless eyes, in parliament and around the nation.

The text is reproduced here: where you will also find audio and video versions.

I move:

That today we honour the Indigenous peoples of this land, the oldest continuing cultures in human history.

We reflect on their past mistreatment.

We reflect in particular on the mistreatment of those who were Stolen Generations - this blemished chapter in our nation's history.

The time has now come for the nation to turn a new page in Australia's history by righting the wrongs of the past and so moving forward with confidence to the future.

We apologise for the laws and policies of successive Parliaments and governments that have inflicted profound grief, suffering and loss on these our fellow Australians.

We apologise especially for the removal of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their families, their communities and their country.

For the pain, suffering and hurt of these Stolen Generations, their descendants and for their families left behind, we say sorry.

To the mothers and the fathers, the brothers and the sisters, for the breaking up of families and communities, we say sorry.

And for the indignity and degradation thus inflicted on a proud people and a proud culture, we say sorry.

We the Parliament of Australia respectfully request that this apology be received in the spirit in which it is offered as part of the healing of the nation.

For the future we take heart; resolving that this new page in the history of our great continent can now be written.

We today take this first step by acknowledging the past and laying claim to a future that embraces all Australians.

A future where this Parliament resolves that the injustices of the past must never, never happen again.

A future where we harness the determination of all Australians, Indigenous and non-Indigenous, to close the gap that lies between us in life expectancy, educational achievement and economic opportunity.

A future where we embrace the possibility of new solutions to enduring problems where old approaches have failed.

A future based on mutual respect, mutual resolve and mutual responsibility.

A future where all Australians, whatever their origins, are truly equal partners, with equal opportunities and with an equal stake in shaping the next chapter in the history of this great country, Australia.

There it is, around 400 words. For those of you who felt stirred and inspired by this speech, what was it that created those emotions. What made it a great speech?

Are there any lessons in it for political speechwriters?

New Year Greetings from The Political Sword

Greetings on New Year’s Day 2012 from The Political Sword. We wish all visitors a Happy New Year and a Productive and Satisfying 2012.

2012 will be an important year in Federal Politics, a year when our views need to be expressed. The Fifth Estate is playing an increasingly significant role in shaping public opinion, in giving the electorate perspectives quite different from those expressed in the mainstream media.

We need all the help we can get to have our opinions recognized. The more who express them here, the better the chances that journalists will read them and sometimes endorse them. We know they peruse the blogosphere, and take note.

We extend a warm welcome to all to contribute here. Please feel free to join The Political Sword friendly family by expressing your opinions in the Comments facility. We will respect them and respond courteously.

Lyn, who has for so long provided us with links to relevant articles in the Fifth Estate, as well as the Fourth Estate, has meticulously kept a record of those who have left a comment on The Political Sword, and in many instances the date of their first comment. Talk Turkey suggested this was a good occasion to publish the list, which we now do for the first time. I have added several names to the list, those who commented on The Possum Box, where I first began blogging on 14 June 2008, courtesy of Possum Comitatus, who gave me my first exposure in the Fifth Estate, which I gratefully acknowledge. The Political Sword began three months later, on 13 September 2008.

The list appears below. Counting those on The Possum Box the list now numbers more than 350. Judging from the stats of our traffic, we know too that for every one who leaves a comment, there is a countless number that visit and read but choose not to comment.

If you have commented here and by some chance your name is not on the list, please let us know via the Comments facility or email it to me via Contact on the top menu, and we will add it in.

This is an appropriate time to acknowledge those who have contributed so much to The Political Sword over the years. Since Lyn has been posting her LYN’S DAILY LINKS the traffic has escalated steadily as people come here to see what’s happening elsewhere, saving them the time it would take to research the links themselves.

Regular contributors of original material in 2011 were Feral (Hillbilly) Skeleton, who brings her long-standing expertise in matters political and the ALP, together with her capacity for incisive analysis, to bear upon the excellent pieces she pens. This year we have been delighted by Acerbic Conehead’s clever satire, which he writes for us every weekend. Next year, we will be joined by Nasking who will write on international affairs. Others have expressed an interest in contributing original material, which hopefully will take place during the year.

In addition to the original contributors, there are many regulars who post detailed comments and links in the Comments section. They enhance TPS immeasurably, and attract visitors who enjoy reading their comments. They are too numerous to mention by name.

To all these contributors we extend our heartfelt thanks for their interest and devotion to The Political Sword; we look forward to their contributions again in 2012.

Here then is the list of contributors since 2008. We thank you one and all for making The Political Sword what it has now become.


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